JOINT CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION
TO UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER
FOR HUMAN RIGHTS,
MS NAVANETHAM PILLAY
ON HER VISIT TO SRI LANKA
(25th – 31st August, 2013)
We, Sri Lankan civil society organisations, welcome the country visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Navanetham Pillay, in the preparation of an oral update at the 24th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN HRC) and a comprehensive report at the 25th session of the UN HRC, on the implementation of its resolutions on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka.
We are concerned at the selective adoption and laggardly implementation of the constructive recommendations contained in the final report of the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) appointed Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), including the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, the demilitarization of the North, the setting up ofimpartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluation of detention policies and strengthening of formerly independent civil institutions. The LLRC recommendations also call for a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, the promotion and protection of the right of freedom of expression for all, and the enactment of rule of law reforms. The GoSL recently announced that it would add a further 53 recommendations of LLRC to its National Plan of Action to implement the Recommendations of the LLRC (NPoA LLRC). However there is no publicly available information as to the content of these recommendations. Furthermore the GoSL is yet to clarify the basis on which it decides which recommendations to implement and when.
A very significant number, if the not the majority of those making representations before the LLRC were women, especially at its district based sittings. However despite a number of recommendations that dealt with the specific situation and needs of women, the National Plan of Action to implement the recommendations of the LLRC is completely gender blind and does not pick up a single recommendation with regard to women.
We are deeply concerned that ongoing state policies and actions in the North and East are contrary to the letter and spirit of the LLRC recommendations and are impediments to reconciliation and the transition from post-war to post-conflict in Sri Lanka. These include the following: land-grabbing by the military for permanent cantonments [This includes 6400 acres of land in the Jaffna district and more than 680 acres in the Kilinochchi and Mulathivu districts (See Annex 1)]; settlement of Sinhala people with no previous connections to the region to alter the demographic and electoral map; appointment of ex-military personnel as Government Agents; subordination of the elected Eastern provincial council to the unelected ex-military Governor; Sinhalisation of place names and demarcation of (Buddhist) zsacred areas’ among others.
We recall that UN HRC Resolution A/HRC/RES/19/2 of 22 March 2012 (and UN HRC Resolution A/HRC/RES/22/1) called upon the GoSL to take all necessary steps to conduct “an independent and credible investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as applicable”. We reiterate that the findings of the Boards of Inquiry appointed by the armed forces in 2012/2013 do not meet the standard set out in the UN HRC Resolutions. Furthermore in the context of the abrupt termination of previous government-appointed commissions
into serious violations of human rights and non-disclosure of their recommendations (See Annex 2); and the absence of witness and victim protection legislation and mechanisms, we are not confident that the Commission to Investigate Missing Persons appointed on the eve of the High Commissioner’s visit can conduct its inquiries into disappearances in the North and East in an independent and credible manner.
Continuing Violations…
We are extremely concerned at the continuing violations of human rights; undermining of the rule of law and impunity for violators, particularly when the armed forces and the police are involved, including incidents of suppression of peaceful assembly and protests by citizens. The most serious of these incidents include, the attack on the FreeTrade Zone workers engaged in protest in May 2011 (which resulted in the killing of one person), the attack on the protest by Fishermen in Chilaw in February 2012 (which resulted in the killing of one person), the November 2012 attacks on and harassment and intimidation of Jaffna University students engaged in peaceful commemoration of the
war-dead (including preventive detention and enforced zrehabilitation’ of three student leaders) and, most recently the attack on villagers in Weliweriya (resulting in three confirmed deaths) in August 2013. In none of these instances have persons involved for the deaths of civilians been held accountable for the excesses committed. We reiterate that these continuing violations and the continued culture of impunity is a direct result of the Sri Lankan state’s inability and unwillingness to ensure accountability for violations of human rights in the past. We further state that independent and credible investigations of past violations are an essential pre requisite to ensure the revival of the rule of law and protection of human rights in Sri Lanka.
We condemn the statement of the Minister of External Affairs, Professor GL Pieris, that “incidents of this nature” (referring to the atrocities in Weliweriya) “are part and parcel of life”, when in fact they are egregious violations of the democratic rights of the people as guaranteed in the Constitution of Sri Lanka and the international treaties and conventions ratified by Sri Lanka. This statement is symptomatic of the lack of resolve on the part of the GoSL to ensure accountability for serious violations of human rights and its continued tolerance of such violations.
We are appalled at the extrajudicial killings and wanton acts of torture against prisoners following riots in the Vavuniya and Welikade prisons in June and November 2012, respectively, leading to the deaths of at least 29 inmates and serious injuries to some 63 others. The riots are a result of the long delays in the trial process causing serious overcrowding in prisons and the absence of a human rights oriented approach to suspects and the accused particularly when charged under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
It is further noted that the GoSL has failed to implement simple measures such as publicizing a list of detainees and of detention centers. As a result only detainees who have been identified by their families and therefore been provided access to legal aid, are able to challenge their administrative detention and gain legal redress. The issue of unofficial detention centers also remains unaddressed. The PTA denies basic fundamental rights to persons arrested and detained in terms of it and continues to be in force. It is actively employed to curb dissent.
The GoSL reported to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process in 2012 that it submitted responses on 59 cases of disappearances of the cases brought to its attention by the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID). However a majority of the responses contained a statement to the effect that Magistrate Court case has been laid by due to lack of information. Although the response states that inquiries are in progress the local police are taking no measures to investigate the disappearance. In several instances the case numbers given in the GoSL response were false.
Attempts made by some families of victims of disappearances to pursue the search for their loved ones have been met with threat and intimidation. Collective campaigning on the issue of enforced disappearances has also been prevented. Some families have reported that they have been forced to accept death certificates in the name of their disappeared family members. Families have reported that they have been asked for money from persons said to be from the Criminal Investigation Department to release their disappeared family member.
We therefore call upon the GoSL to incorporate all the constructive recommen-dations of the LLRC- as set out in the two resolutions adopted in the UNHRC- in the NPoA and to engage the plurality of civil society to monitor and review of the implementation process. The impeachment of the 43rd Chief Justice of Sri Lanka which was done with blatant disregard of judgements of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal was an unprecedented assault on the independence of the judiciary, and has further eroded public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judicial process, and any pretence of checks on the Executive branch considering the subordination of the members of the legislature to the office of the Executive President. The independence of the judiciary was further undermined by the appointment as the 44th Chief Justice of Sri Lanka, an individual who was formally the legal adviser to the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and subsequently the Cabinet of Ministers. Even though the legality of this appointment has been challenged, the said individual continues to exercise the powers of the office of the Chief Justice to the extent of even appointing judges to hear the case challenging his
appointment.
The passage of the 18th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution hastened the collapse of formerly independent civil institutions including Sri Lanka’s policing system, the public service commission, the election commission, the commission to investigate allegations of bribery and corruption, and the Attorney General’s department. The partisan nature of these institutions is evidenced by the manner in which they zealously carry out their functions in relation to persons seen as opponents of the ruling regime whilst also being particularly disinterested when carrying out their functions in relation to those seen as supportive of the regime (See Annex 3).
We denounce the rising tide of anti-Muslim hate-speech and attacks on their religious freedom (See Annex 4) and decry the deafening silence of the GoSL against these acts. We demand action by the government to uphold the principles that discrimination and violence have no place in post-war Sri Lanka, and call for swift and impartial action by law enforcement agencies to pre-empt mob violence and protect Muslim and Christian religious centres under siege by ultranationalist Sinhala Buddhist groups.
We welcome the much-delayed election to the Northern Provincial Council in September 2013, and hope that election malpractices and alleged interventions by the military and political violence will not undermine the turn-out which will affect the legitimacy of the poll.
We note with concern the allegations by all main opposition political parties on the use of the armed forces to campaign for candidates of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance and to intimidate candidates of opposition political parties. We are concerned that the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which has never been fully implemented, will be weakened further following the election. We note that such an attempt would be in violation of the previous pledges of the GoSL at various UN forums including the UN HRC to building upon and strengthening the current framework for devolution and power-sharing.
We urge the voluntary, informed and consensual participation of minority communities, their political and other representatives, and local civil society organisations in statesponsored reconstruction and reconciliation initiatives.
We draw attention to threats to freedom of expression in Sri Lanka including repeated violence on the staff and property of independent media institutions such as the Uthayan newspaper in Jaffna and the continued culture of self-censorship, particularly in the Sinhala and English-language media, as a result of such previous violence on media institutions. There is also an alarming trend of private media organisations being acquired by groups and individuals associated with the President for the express
purpose of muting independent reporting and denying space for critical opinion.
Space for Civil society organisations has not enlarged since the end of the war and there is increased surveillance of civil society activities especially but not confined to the North and the East. It is the responsibility of the GoSL to create an environment, conducive for the flourishing of civil society including groups and individuals promoting respect for human rights. Instead, state media regularly engages in hate mongering and stigmatisation of human rights defenders particularly around sessions of the UN HRC.
Hate mongering and stigmatisation is also of particular concern in relation to Human Rights Defenders working for LGBT rights. In addition to the state media, many privately owned media organizations engage in spreading misinformation about them and their work, which results in the collective vilification and further stigmatization of LGBT groups.
We note with concern the attempts under way to strengthen the control of the MoD over civil society organizations by introducing new legislation which would make it mandatory for all civil society organizations to register with the National Secretariat for Non Governmental organizations which is under the direct control of the MoD. Public statements by senior MoD officials have indicated that non registration would lead to these civil society organisations not been allowed to operate within Sri Lanka. It is clear that this is an attempt by the GoSL to stamp out the last remaining vestiges of dissent within Sri Lanka. The limited space available for civil society organizations is evinced by
the disinformation campaign several members of the GoSL have engaged in against the High Commissioner including accusing her of having sympathies with pro-LTTE Tamil diaspora advocacy campaigns.
We are appalled by the unconscionable increase in reports of violence against women and girl-children across the island since the end of the war and the apparent indifference and helplessness of state authorities and statutory agencies charged with prevention and protection. Violence against women is legitimised through the entrenchment of discriminatory laws, customs and practices, and within institutions and, in the recent past, by the impunity of those who commit such crimes.
The status of women in Sri Lanka is reflected in the unequal patterns of land ownership, access to credit, low labour force participation rate of women (of around 32 percent), and the dismal representation in the structures of governance (is less than 6 percent in parliament, below 3 percent in local government bodies). Despite Sri Lanka’s remarkable human development record based on the free education and health system and universal social protection, the prevalence of anaemia (and therefore undernutrition) is shockingly high and affects almost one in three (or 39 percent of) nonpregnant women.
While welcoming official reports of the reduction in poverty to 8.9 percent of the population, we note that this indicator excludes the North and East, and is based upon an income measure (US$0.80 per day) too low for decent human existence. Strong rates of economic growth have not translated into reductions in income inequality as the poorest 20 percent of Sri Lankans account for only 4.5 percent of national income whereas the richest 20 percent account for 54 percent of income.
We call upon the GoSL to rigorously implement the recommendations of the UPR process, Treaty Bodies and Special Procedures towards ensuring a strong and inclusive human rights protection system for the benefit of all Sri Lankans.
We call upon the GoSL to ratify the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Second Optional Protocol to the Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; and to incorporate the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners in domestic law and policy.
We call upon the GoSL to accept all outstanding requests for country visits by Special Procedures and issue a standing invitation to Mandate Holders. We call upon the GoSL to seek and accept the advice and technical assistance of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in taking forward the recommendations of the UN HRC.
– 7 –
JOINT CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION
TO UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER
FOR HUMAN RIGHTS,
MS NAVANETHAM PILLAY
ON HER VISIT TO SRI LANKA
(25th – 31st August, 2013)
– 1 –
We, Sri Lankan civil society organisations, welcome the country visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Navanetham Pillay, in the preparation of an oral update at the 24th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN HRC) and a comprehensive report at the 25th session of the UN HRC, on the implementation of its resolutions on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka.
We are concerned at the selective adoption and laggardly implementation of the constructive recommendations contained in the final report of the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) appointed Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), including the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, the demilitarization of the North, the setting up ofimpartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluation of detention policies and strengthening of formerly independent civil institutions. The LLRC recommendations
also call for a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, the promotion and protection of the right of freedom of expression for all, and the enactment of rule of law reforms. The GoSL recently announced that it would add a further 53 recommendations of LLRC to its National Plan of Action to implement the Recommendations of the LLRC (NPoA LLRC). However there is no publicly available information as to the content of these recommendations. Furthermore the GoSL is yet to clarify the basis on which it decides which recommendations to implement and when.
A very significant number, if the not the majority of those making representations before the LLRC were women, especially at its district based sittings. However despite a number of recommendations that dealt with the specific situation and needs of women, the National Plan of Action to implement the recommendations of the LLRC is completely gender blind and does not pick up a single recommendation with regard to women.
We are deeply concerned that ongoing state policies and actions in the North and East are contrary to the letter and spirit of the LLRC recommendations and are impediments to reconciliation and the transition from post-war to post-conflict in Sri Lanka. These include the following: land-grabbing by the military for permanent cantonments [This includes 6400 acres of land in the Jaffna district and more than 680 acres in the Kilinochchi and Mulathivu districts (See Annex 1)]; settlement of Sinhala people with no previous connections to the region to alter the demographic and electoral map; appointment of ex-military personnel as Government Agents; subordination of the elected Eastern provincial council to the unelected ex-military Governor; Sinhalisation of place names and demarcation of (Buddhist) zsacred areas’ among others.
We recall that UN HRC Resolution A/HRC/RES/19/2 of 22 March 2012 (and UN HRC Resolution A/HRC/RES/22/1) called upon the GoSL to take all necessary steps to conduct “an independent and credible investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as applicable”. We reiterate that the findings of the Boards of Inquiry appointed by the armed forces in 2012/2013 do not meet the standard set out in the UN HRC Resolutions. Furthermore in the context of the abrupt termination of previous government-appointed commissions
into serious violations of human rights and non-disclosure of their recommendations (See Annex 2); and the absence of witness and victim protection legislation and mechanisms, we are not confident that the Commission to Investigate Missing Persons appointed on the eve of the High Commissioner’s visit can conduct its inquiries into disappearances in the North and East in an independent and credible manner.
Continuing Violations…
We are extremely concerned at the continuing violations of human rights; undermining of the rule of law and impunity for violators, particularly when the armed forces and the police are involved, including incidents of suppression of peaceful assembly and protests by citizens. The most serious of these incidents include, the attack on the FreeTrade Zone workers engaged in protest in May 2011 (which resulted in the killing of one person), the attack on the protest by Fishermen in Chilaw in February 2012 (which resulted in the killing of one person), the November 2012 attacks on and harassment and intimidation of Jaffna University students engaged in peaceful commemoration of the
war-dead (including preventive detention and enforced zrehabilitation’ of three student leaders) and, most recently the attack on villagers in Weliweriya (resulting in three confirmed deaths) in August 2013. In none of these instances have persons involved for the deaths of civilians been held accountable for the excesses committed. We reiterate that these continuing violations and the continued culture of impunity is a direct result of the Sri Lankan state’s inability and unwillingness to ensure accountability for violations of human rights in the past. We further state that independent and credible investigations of past violations are an essential pre requisite to ensure the revival of the rule of law and protection of human rights in Sri Lanka.
We condemn the statement of the Minister of External Affairs, Professor GL Pieris, that “incidents of this nature” (referring to the atrocities in Weliweriya) “are part and parcel of life”, when in fact they are egregious violations of the democratic rights of the people as guaranteed in the Constitution of Sri Lanka and the international treaties and conventions ratified by Sri Lanka. This statement is symptomatic of the lack of resolve on the part of the GoSL to ensure accountability for serious violations of human rights and its continued tolerance of such violations.
We are appalled at the extrajudicial killings and wanton acts of torture against prisoners following riots in the Vavuniya and Welikade prisons in June and November 2012, respectively, leading to the deaths of at least 29 inmates and serious injuries to some 63 others. The riots are a result of the long delays in the trial process causing serious overcrowding in prisons and the absence of a human rights oriented approach to suspects and the accused particularly when charged under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
It is further noted that the GoSL has failed to implement simple measures such as publicizing a list of detainees and of detention centers. As a result only detainees who have been identified by their families and therefore been provided access to legal aid, are able to challenge their administrative detention and gain legal redress. The issue of unofficial detention centers also remains unaddressed. The PTA denies basic fundamental rights to persons arrested and detained in terms of it and continues to be in force. It is actively employed to curb dissent.
The GoSL reported to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process in 2012 that it submitted responses on 59 cases of disappearances of the cases brought to its attention by the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID). However a majority of the responses contained a statement to the effect that Magistrate Court case has been laid by due to lack of information. Although the response states that inquiries are in progress the local police are taking no measures to investigate the disappearance. In several instances the case numbers given in the GoSL response were false.
Attempts made by some families of victims of disappearances to pursue the search for their loved ones have been met with threat and intimidation. Collective campaigning on the issue of enforced disappearances has also been prevented. Some families have reported that they have been forced to accept death certificates in the name of their disappeared family members. Families have reported that they have been asked for money from persons said to be from the Criminal Investigation Department to release their disappeared family member.
We therefore call upon the GoSL to incorporate all the constructive recommen-dations of the LLRC- as set out in the two resolutions adopted in the UNHRC- in the NPoA and to engage the plurality of civil society to monitor and review of the implementation process. The impeachment of the 43rd Chief Justice of Sri Lanka which was done with blatant disregard of judgements of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal was an unprecedented assault on the independence of the judiciary, and has further eroded public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judicial process, and any pretence of checks on the Executive branch considering the subordination of the members of the legislature to the office of the Executive President. The independence of the judiciary was further undermined by the appointment as the 44th Chief Justice of Sri Lanka, an individual who was formally the legal adviser to the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and subsequently the Cabinet of Ministers. Even though the legality of this appointment has been challenged, the said individual continues to exercise the powers of the office of the Chief Justice to the extent of even appointing judges to hear the case challenging his
appointment.
The passage of the 18th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution hastened the collapse of formerly independent civil institutions including Sri Lanka’s policing system, the public service commission, the election commission, the commission to investigate allegations of bribery and corruption, and the Attorney General’s department. The partisan nature of these institutions is evidenced by the manner in which they zealously carry out their functions in relation to persons seen as opponents of the ruling regime whilst also being particularly disinterested when carrying out their functions in relation to those seen as supportive of the regime (See Annex 3).
We denounce the rising tide of anti-Muslim hate-speech and attacks on their religious freedom (See Annex 4) and decry the deafening silence of the GoSL against these acts. We demand action by the government to uphold the principles that discrimination and violence have no place in post-war Sri Lanka, and call for swift and impartial action by law enforcement agencies to pre-empt mob violence and protect Muslim and Christian religious centres under siege by ultranationalist Sinhala Buddhist groups.
We welcome the much-delayed election to the Northern Provincial Council in September 2013, and hope that election malpractices and alleged interventions by the military and political violence will not undermine the turn-out which will affect the legitimacy of the poll.
We note with concern the allegations by all main opposition political parties on the use of the armed forces to campaign for candidates of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance and to intimidate candidates of opposition political parties. We are concerned that the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which has never been fully implemented, will be weakened further following the election. We note that such an attempt would be in violation of the previous pledges of the GoSL at various UN forums including the UN HRC to building upon and strengthening the current framework for devolution and power-sharing.
We urge the voluntary, informed and consensual participation of minority communities, their political and other representatives, and local civil society organisations in statesponsored reconstruction and reconciliation initiatives.
We draw attention to threats to freedom of expression in Sri Lanka including repeated violence on the staff and property of independent media institutions such as the Uthayan newspaper in Jaffna and the continued culture of self-censorship, particularly in the Sinhala and English-language media, as a result of such previous violence on media institutions. There is also an alarming trend of private media organisations being acquired by groups and individuals associated with the President for the express
purpose of muting independent reporting and denying space for critical opinion.
Space for Civil society organisations has not enlarged since the end of the war and there is increased surveillance of civil society activities especially but not confined to the North and the East. It is the responsibility of the GoSL to create an environment, conducive for the flourishing of civil society including groups and individuals promoting respect for human rights. Instead, state media regularly engages in hate mongering and stigmatisation of human rights defenders particularly around sessions of the UN HRC.
Hate mongering and stigmatisation is also of particular concern in relation to Human Rights Defenders working for LGBT rights. In addition to the state media, many privately owned media organizations engage in spreading misinformation about them and their work, which results in the collective vilification and further stigmatization of LGBT groups.
We note with concern the attempts under way to strengthen the control of the MoD over civil society organizations by introducing new legislation which would make it mandatory for all civil society organizations to register with the National Secretariat for Non Governmental organizations which is under the direct control of the MoD. Public statements by senior MoD officials have indicated that non registration would lead to these civil society organisations not been allowed to operate within Sri Lanka. It is clear that this is an attempt by the GoSL to stamp out the last remaining vestiges of dissent within Sri Lanka. The limited space available for civil society organizations is evinced by
the disinformation campaign several members of the GoSL have engaged in against the High Commissioner including accusing her of having sympathies with pro-LTTE Tamil diaspora advocacy campaigns.
We are appalled by the unconscionable increase in reports of violence against women and girl-children across the island since the end of the war and the apparent indifference and helplessness of state authorities and statutory agencies charged with prevention and protection. Violence against women is legitimised through the entrenchment of discriminatory laws, customs and practices, and within institutions and, in the recent past, by the impunity of those who commit such crimes.
The status of women in Sri Lanka is reflected in the unequal patterns of land ownership, access to credit, low labour force participation rate of women (of around 32 percent), and the dismal representation in the structures of governance (is less than 6 percent in parliament, below 3 percent in local government bodies). Despite Sri Lanka’s remarkable human development record based on the free education and health system and universal social protection, the prevalence of anaemia (and therefore undernutrition) is shockingly high and affects almost one in three (or 39 percent of) nonpregnant women.
While welcoming official reports of the reduction in poverty to 8.9 percent of the population, we note that this indicator excludes the North and East, and is based upon an income measure (US$0.80 per day) too low for decent human existence. Strong rates of economic growth have not translated into reductions in income inequality as the poorest 20 percent of Sri Lankans account for only 4.5 percent of national income whereas the richest 20 percent account for 54 percent of income.
We call upon the GoSL to rigorously implement the recommendations of the UPR process, Treaty Bodies and Special Procedures towards ensuring a strong and inclusive human rights protection system for the benefit of all Sri Lankans.
We call upon the GoSL to ratify the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Second Optional Protocol to the Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; and to incorporate the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners in domestic law and policy.
We call upon the GoSL to accept all outstanding requests for country visits by Special Procedures and issue a standing invitation to Mandate Holders. We call upon the GoSL to seek and accept the advice and technical assistance of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in taking forward the recommendations of the UN HRC.
– 7 –