By Ranga Jayasuriya/ Daily Mirror.
The difference is destiny-defining for the country. Governments come and go, while a party that captures the State becomes the state itself. That would be the beginning of a one-way journey to a one-party state similar to Venezuela or Nicaragua, where the militant left had stripped once multi-party political systems.
However, watching the JVP’s commemoration of its heroes early this month, one could breathe a sigh of relief that the warning signs of state capture are not yet there. The JVP commemorated its fallen cadres in a ceremony at the Vihara Maha Devi Park, as it had been doing for decades. One might have expected an air of jingoism and quest for retribution – such feelings contaminate the grassroots, and you have all the reason to fear a mayhem reminiscent of Mao’s Red Guards in the Cultural Revolution. Such concerns also proved to be premature. The JVP’s commemoration of its fallen members might have been evocative to its cadre base; simultaneously, it was reassuring for others who carry the scars of the JVP’s violent past.
The JVP leadership should be commended for commemorating their fallen cadres, without rubbing the dead on the millions of Sri Lankans who were victims of JVP violence in 1988-89. That President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, attended the commemoration might still cause disquiet among the rank and file and the families of the armed forces. JVP killed 342 police personnel, 209 armed forces personnel, and 98 home guards. In fact, the JVP killed more military personnel in their two-year uprising than the LTTE did during the first Eelam War( 1983- 1987). That is in addition to thousands of civilians, public servants, and political activists murdered in cold blood.
Still, that he could undertake his dual responsibilities as the JVP leader and the President of Sri Lanka smoothly and attend a commemoration ceremony of his fallen comrades, under the banner of Rohana Wijeweera, might reveal how far Sri Lanka has moved from the dark days of 1988-90. That tells how conclusively the South has reconciled with its troubled past.There is no better proof of this transformation than JVP’s ascent to the government. The JVP should not spoil goodwill.
Many pundits of reconciliation and many do-gooders who funnel millions of dollars into this country to foster reconciliation have not adequately studied this Southern success story of reconciliation. However,some might still want to open a can of worms in the name of accountability.
As every other diplomat in this country harps on reconciliation and the President is planning a Sri Lankan day, this Southern success story should provide a template for the North.
This week, the North commemorates the Mahaveer week of the slain fighters of the LTTE, an equally egregious terrorist group. Just like the JVP, the LTTE was a maximalist terrorist group that spurned every offer for a negotiated settlement.
Interestingly, some Southern observers tend to consider the LTTE the worst of the two. Such opinions are often guided not by any logical analysis, but ratherby a biased psychology of our terrorists vs their terrorists.
Complete state capture
The JVP fought for a complete state capture similar to the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia, whereas the LTTE fought for the secession of the North East from the country. In truth, the JVP’s goal, had it been successful, would have had far more devastating consequences to the country than the LTTE’s fight for a separate independent state, as any Cambodian with the memory of the Khmer Rouge terror would testify. Surely, despite its monstrosity, the JVP’s terror campaign was short-lived and crushed with a sense of urgency. In contrast, in the North, the LTTE continued with its military campaign for another two decades, effectively trapping the nation in a prolonged era of violence, and more importantly, robbing the country of two decades of growth.
However, why the South could move past the dark era of 1988-90 was to a great part owing to the measures adopted by the post-1990 JVP.
The JVP apologised to the nation for its part in violence, eschewed future violence, and stayed within mainstream participatory politics even when its electoral performances were mediocre. Until the last presidential and general elections, the JVP’s only electoral success was through its alliance with the United People’s Freedom Alliance in 2004 during the Chandrika Kumaratunga era. The JVP’s learning curve is impressive considering that in its former self, it had spurned many pleas to return to the democratic mainstream. Also, those lessons were learnt the hard way through an unrelenting counter insurgency campaign, which many Sri Lankans, though sickened by it, concede was a necessary evil.
Necessary evil
The LTTE suffered the same grim fate, having spurned many peace offers.The Sri Lankan armed forces’ classic military annihilation of the LTTE — you hardly get to see such a feat on the battlefield; you only read them in the military strategy textbooks – is also a necessary evil. The JVP, who may deep down seethe in outrage, still had not sought to challenge the historical verdict of its fate in 1988-90 or rewrite its gruesome role in violence.
But the LTTE rump and the Tamil politics in the North have not shown a desire to accept the LTTE’s role in nihilistic violence. That makes them unfitting partners for reconciliation. Most pundits tend to think reconciliation is a one-way process of the government acknowledging the State’s role in violence and redressing the grievances of Tamils. It does not happen that way. Reconciliation is a two-way process.That you are losing a nihilistic terrorist war started by your forebearers does not exempt you from coming to terms with their role in violence.
The South did not reconcile with the JVP because it was a victim of state violence, or because it thought its struggle was noble. The South forgave the JVP because it regretted its role in violence and chose to opt out of the destructive path for good.
Until the stakeholders of LTTE violence and their political patrons acknowledge their role in violence, it’s unlikely for a holistic reconciliation process to begin.
Until that time, the government should make sure the unhealed wounds of the war would not breed another generation of suicide terrorists. As the North celebrates Mahaveer week, the government should guarantee the right to mourn. Still, it should make sure it would not descend into glorifying suicide terrorists and two decades of nihilistic terrorism. There should be clear red lines, and crossing them should activate anti-terror laws.
If the Northern reconciliation is to be successful, there is no other pathway than the one which reconciliation in the South has trodden. Perhaps the JVP should share its lessons with its Northern stakeholders, who I doubt would really want to listen.