On April 21, 2019, coordinated suicide bombings tore through three churches and luxury hotels in Sri Lanka, killing at least 269 people and injuring more than 500. The Easter Sunday attack, attributed to the extremist group National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) lined with terror group ISIS, left a scar on the nation’s conscience. However, six years later, a cloud of suspicion and unanswered questions still hangs over the attack. Despite multiple investigations, public commissions, and international scrutiny, the truth remains elusive.
A proper investigation into the Easter Sunday attacks is crucial to delivering justice for the victims and their families. Innocent people, including children and foreign nationals, lost their lives in coordinated suicide bombings that targeted churches and hotels. Without a thorough and transparent investigation, the victims’ suffering remains unacknowledged by the State, and the families are left without closure. Justice is not just about identifying and punishing perpetrators; it is also about recognising the pain of those affected and ensuring that their loss is not forgotten or dismissed and finding out who did it and why.
A credible investigation would help restore public trust in Sri Lanka’s law enforcement and intelligence institutions. The attack revealed severe lapses in intelligence sharing and preparedness, especially given that prior warnings were received from foreign agencies. When such failures are left unaddressed, it signals institutional decay and creates a dangerous precedent of impunity. Citizens need to believe that the Government can protect them, and that when it fails, it will hold the responsible parties accountable rather than hide behind political interests.
A proper probe would have also served as a critical safeguard against future attacks. Understanding how the attackers were radicalised, funded, and coordinated is essential for dismantling similar networks and improving national security. Uncovering gaps in border control, intelligence gathering, and inter-agency coordination can lead to reforms that make Sri Lanka safer. Without this, the country remains vulnerable to further acts of terrorism, and the lessons of Easter Sunday risk being lost.
The global implications of the attack demand a thorough and transparent inquiry. The bombings were claimed by ISIS and involved potential international links, making it not just a domestic tragedy but part of a broader global security threat. Sri Lanka’s credibility on the international stage depends on how it responds to such threats. A genuine investigation would have shown the world that Sri Lanka upholds justice and the rule of law, rather than allowing political agendas to override truth and accountability.
Implications of the failure
The most profound implication of Sri Lanka’s investigative failure is the erosion of public trust. The State’s inability or unwillingness to deliver justice has led to widespread scepticism about the motives of political and intelligence actors. The Christian community, directly targeted by the attack, continues to demand accountability. Meanwhile, the Muslim community, from which the perpetrators emerged, has faced unjustified collective suspicion and increased surveillance. A proper investigation with no stones unturned is crucial to address many suspicious concerns throughout the Easter attack.
Politically, the attack and its aftermath shifted the electoral landscape. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rise to power in November 2019 was fuelled in part by a promise of national security and decisive leadership, positioning him as the antidote to the perceived weakness of the Yahapalana Government led by then President Maithripala Sirisena. This shift has raised suspicions that the attacks may have been exploited, if not enabled, to manufacture political capital. However, there is no evidence for this, given no proper and convincing probes are conducted on the Easter carnage.
The long-term damage to institutional credibility is equally concerning. The intelligence services, police, and judicial system have all been accused of either negligence or complicity. Despite mounting international and local calls for justice, including those from the United Nations, substantive legal outcomes have been scant.
Mysterious Abu Hindh
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) into the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks in Sri Lanka uncovered several critical details about an individual known as “Abu Hindh,” who was closely associated with the attacks.
Abu Hindh was identified as an individual from a neighbouring country, not an organisation. His real name was not disclosed in the available reports. Zahran Hashim, the leader of the NTJ, maintained regular communication with Abu Hindh over the phone from India. According to testimony from Zahran’s wife, Hadiya, these conversations occurred in a Dravidian language and began as early as 2018.
While the exact role of Abu Hindh in the planning or execution of the attacks remains unclear, his association with Zahran suggests a significant influence and he was one of Zahran’s key associates in the crime against humanity.
Abu Hindh’s influence has reportedly shaped the radicalisation of Zahran Hashim, the NTJ leader. Referenced in communications and testimonies, Abu Hindh is believed to have distributed jihadist propaganda and played a role in providing ideological justification for the attacks.
Yet, the Sri Lankan authorities have provided no clarity on his identity. Is Abu Hindh a pseudonym for a foreign ideologue? A local extremist cloaked in anonymity? Or a fabrication to obscure deeper networks? This ambiguity hampers the broader understanding of how the NTJ evolved from a fringe religious group into a lethal terror cell. The absence of a proper investigation into Abu Hindh’s origins and reach raises questions about intelligence gaps or deliberate suppression.
Failure to act on Indian alert
Perhaps the most alarming and well-documented lapse is the failure to act on specific warnings issued by Indian intelligence agencies. Beginning on April 4, 2019, India provided actionable intelligence naming Zahran Hashim and detailing planned attacks on churches and tourist spots. These alerts were passed to the Sri Lankan Defence Ministry, police, and the State Intelligence Service (SIS).
Despite this, the information was not disseminated adequately. Crucially, top leaders have not been reportedly informed. The National Security Council, a body responsible for coordinating national security decisions, had been defunct due to political infighting between then President Sirisena and then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.
This failure raises troubling possibilities: Was this a case of gross incompetence, or was the intelligence deliberately ignored? The gravity of the lapse has fuelled public outrage and conspiracy theories, particularly given the political benefits reaped by hard-line candidates following the attacks.
Sara Jasmin’s disappearance
Pulastini Mahendran, also known as Sara Jasmin or Sarah Jasmine, was the wife of Atchchi Muhammadu Hasthun, one of the suicide bombers involved in the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks in Sri Lanka. Hasthun carried out the bombing at St. Sebastian’s Church in Katuwapitiya.
Sara Jasmin was associated with the NTJ, the extremist group behind the attacks. In the days leading up to the bombings, she, along with other wives of the attackers, travelled to Kattankudy, reportedly to prepare for the aftermath of their husbands’ planned suicide missions. They purchased white clothing, traditionally worn during mourning periods, suggesting foreknowledge of the impending attacks.
On April 26, 2019, five days after the Easter bombings, a suicide blast occurred in Sainthamaruthu, Ampara district, during a security forces raid on an NTJ safe house. Initially, it was believed that Sara Jasmin perished in this explosion. However, conflicting reports and testimonies, including those from Zahran Hashim’s wife, suggested she might have escaped, leading to widespread speculation about her fate.
In 2021, Interpol issued a Red Notice for her arrest, suggesting that she may have escaped and fled to India under a false identity. Eyewitness accounts hinted that she may have survived the blast and left the country shortly thereafter. Her survival, if confirmed, could be crucial in exposing NTJ’s operational details, financing and foreign connections.
To resolve the uncertainty, authorities exhumed remains from the Sainthamaruthu blast site and conducted DNA tests. In March 2023, the Government analyst confirmed that the DNA matched that of Sara Jasmin after the third test, conclusively establishing her death in the April 26 explosion. This DNA test result is still seen as a suspicious move with Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith stating that there were no countries that carried out DNA tests until they get the results they want. Opposition Member of Parliament Mujibur Rahman, also has questioned the veracity of the findings, citing inconsistencies in the investigation and the need for further transparency.
Sara Jasmin’s involvement and the subsequent ambiguity surrounding her death have contributed to the broader complexities and unanswered questions in the investigation of the Easter Sunday attacks.
Why, then, has her case not received greater attention? Is her continued absence due to incompetence, or does it serve the interests of those who prefer key witnesses silenced or absent? The lack of follow-up on this lead exemplifies the selective rigor applied throughout the investigation.
Suspected foreign elements
The question of foreign involvement in the Easter Sunday attacks remains one of the most sensitive and least explored areas. While ISIS claimed responsibility for the bombings, there has been little concrete evidence of operational or logistical support from the group.
However, NTJ members, including Zahran, had reportedly travelled abroad, including to India and the Maldives, and had connections with foreign radical elements. Zahran’s ideology also mirrored global jihadist narratives, particularly those propagated by ISIS after the fall of its caliphate.
There are also allegations that certain foreign intelligence agencies may have had prior knowledge of the attack. This has led to speculation that geopolitical interests may have influenced the extent and direction of Sri Lanka’s investigative efforts. Despite repeated calls for transparency, the State has not pursued these angles with sufficient vigour, possibly due to diplomatic sensitivities or internal political constraints.
Taj Hotel bomber Jameel
Abdul Latheef Mohamed Jameel, identified as the suicide bomber assigned to the Taj Samudra Hotel, presents another murky chapter. Initial reports suggested he had checked into the hotel and attempted to detonate his device but failed. CCTV footage showed him wandering in the hotel lobby before leaving abruptly.
Jameel, who was educated in Australia and Britain, later died in an explosion at the small Tropical Inn hotel on the same day of the carnage. However, inconsistencies abound. Why did he abandon the bombing mission? Did he have second thoughts, or was there a technical failure? More importantly, did he attempt to communicate with authorities before his death?
His behaviour and communication from the time of abandoning suicide mission at Taj Hotel to his decision to detonate at Tropical Inn are vital evidence of this investigation. According to critics, there are a lot of loopholes and unanswered questions on Jameel.
Thwarted Zahran’s arrest
Well before the Easter attack, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Nalaka de Silva, the then head of Sri Lanka’s Terrorism Investigation Division (TID), had initiated efforts to arrest Zahran Hashim, the mastermind behind the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings.
Since 2016, DIG de Silva had monitored Zahran Hashim’s activities, noting his shift towards violent extremism. In July 2018, the TID filed a ‘B’ report at the Colombo Magistrate’s Court and obtained an open warrant for Zahran’s arrest.
However, his attempts were thwarted due to a combination of internal allegations and systemic failures within the security apparatus. In September 2018, DIG de Silva was arrested over allegations of plotting to assassinate prominent individuals, including President Maithripala Sirisena. He was interdicted from service in October 2018. This arrest effectively halted the ongoing investigation into Zahran.
Between April 2016 and April 2019, multiple reports concerning Zahran’s radicalisation and potential threats were submitted to top police and intelligence officials. Despite this, no decisive action was taken to neutralise the threat.
The key questions here are why Zaharan, known extremist under surveillance, was not arrested earlier? Why were DIG Nalaka de Silva’s findings not used to follow Zahran’s group?
Along with this, there are some crucial questions, if answered, could help Sri Lankans to understand to solve the Easter Sunday puzzle.
Who were Zahran’s financiers and logistical enablers?
Why were there no in depth investigation into what happened to Sara Jasmin?
Why did the investigation focus into Jameel’s communications and phone calls before he finally detonated at Tropical Inn?
Why were intelligence officers who failed to act not prosecuted?
Was there any political interference in the investigations or deliberate suppression of findings?
Where is the missing CCTV footage and mobile phone data from key suspects?
What happened to the detailed recommendations of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry?
Why were international calls for an independent investigation ignored?
The opacity surrounding these questions suggests not just negligence but possible institutional reluctance to confront uncomfortable truths. It implies a culture of impunity that transcends political regimes and cuts to the core of Sri Lanka’s governance crisis.