By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan.
Looking back at 2025, it is clear that Sri Lanka’s 21 million citizens allowed the National People’s Power (NPP)–JVP alliance both time and political space to attempt a new model of governance. While translating rhetoric into results is never easy, the Government entered the year’s final phase without having faced its most severe tests. That changed with a controversy surrounding a Grade 6 school textbook, which included links to external websites dealing with sexual orientation. The revelation sparked widespread public concern and political backlash, calling for the Education Minister, the Prime Minister herself, to step down. Also, critics describe it as a lapse in judgment and institutional oversight, particularly in relation to child protection. The Criminal Investigation Department has since launched an inquiry into the matter.
At the centre of the controversy were two online links embedded in a Grade 6 module, which parents and educators alleged redirected students to inappropriate and unregulated external content. While education on gender, sexuality, and social awareness is not inherently objectionable, the exposure of young students to uncontrolled online platforms raises serious concerns about safeguards, accountability, and child protection in the digital age.
Former Speaker’s double tragedy
Beyond this issue, the NPP Government faced early challenges to its credibility following controversy over the academic qualifications and conduct of former Speaker of Parliament Asoka Ranwala. Appointed Speaker after the 2024 Parliamentary Election, Ranwala came under intense scrutiny when questions arose about the authenticity of a doctoral degree he claimed to have obtained from a Japanese university. Amid mounting criticism, the title “Dr.” was removed from his parliamentary profile, and he resigned from the post in December 2024, stating that he was unable to immediately produce documentary proof.
The matter did not end there. Ranwala was later arrested following a road accident involving another vehicle. He was taken into custody on charges of dangerous driving and failing to prevent an accident. Although the Police initially suspected driving under the influence of alcohol, a breathalyser test—conducted nearly eight hours after the incident—returned a negative result, and no charge was pursued. Nevertheless, the episode raised public concerns about procedural delays, possible preferential treatment, and image management, particularly in light of the NPP’s stated commitment to equality before the law.
Taken together, these incidents triggered broader debate over transparency, credibility, and the NPP’s promise of ethical governance, especially given its two-thirds majority in Parliament. Senior Party figures have stated that disciplinary action would be considered should wrongdoing be formally established, but critics argue that stronger internal accountability mechanisms are still needed.
In the meantime, Ministers Bimal Rathnayake, Wasantha Samarasinghe, Kumara Jayakody, Sunil Handunnetti, Sunil Watagala, and Nalinda Jayatissa are at the centre of a high-profile complaint seeking to verify how their assets were acquired and whether their declarations are genuine or intended to conceal potential wrongdoing.
This move was to test the NPP Government’s anti-corruption credentials, Jamuni Kamantha Thushara, Chairman of the Citizens’ Power Organisation Against Bribery and Corruption, said. He appeared before the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption on Wednesday to record a statement in connection with the complaint. Filed on 16 September 2025, it calls for a comprehensive investigation into the assets and liabilities of these six serving Cabinet Ministers under the provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act, No. 23 of 2023.
Explaining the rationale behind the complaint, Thushara said the initiative was intended to assess how the Government responds when allegations are directed at its own leadership and whether the Bribery Commission is willing to act independently, without political bias. He said the complaint also challenges the long-standing narrative that NPP–JVP MPs possess no significant assets, noting that the public has not been given access to their official declarations.
Twisted foreign policy
In economic and foreign policy, 2025 was largely defined by continuity rather than realignment. Sri Lanka remained engaged with the International Monetary Fund programme, completing regular reviews and securing emergency financing in December 2025 to cushion the economic impact of Cyclone Ditwah. This approach broadly followed the policy framework inherited from the previous administration.
Since assuming office, the NPP Government has sought to project Sri Lanka as a neutral and sovereign actor in the Indo-Pacific, emphasising balanced diplomacy, strategic partnerships, and economic cooperation. President Dissanayake has repeatedly underscored sovereignty, national interest, and “win-win” engagement, while avoiding alignment with any single power that could undermine security or economic independence.
Relations with India, China, and Japan are largely maintained, with Chinese-backed projects reviewed and, in some cases, renegotiated to improve transparency and national benefit. Japanese-supported initiatives such as the Bandaranaike International Airport expansion and the proposed Pettah Floating Market continued under existing memoranda of understanding. Japan remained a key development partner, while regional engagement with India and other Indo-Pacific countries focused on maritime security, trade facilitation, and regional stability.
The newly-expected US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Eric Meyer, recently, when addressing the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, highlighted Sri Lanka’s strategic significance in the Indo-Pacific, noting that the island sits along some of the world’s busiest shipping lanes. He pointed out that nearly two-thirds of global seaborne crude oil and frequent US Navy movements pass through waters near Sri Lanka, underscoring the country’s pivotal role in regional security and global trade.
Meyer also stressed the United States’ interest in strengthening bilateral defence and law enforcement cooperation. “If confirmed, I will work to deepen our partnerships, including in disaster response, countering transnational crime and trafficking, enhancing maritime domain awareness, and safeguarding Sri Lanka’s maritime sovereignty and port security,” he told the committee, signalling a potential intensification of strategic engagement between the two countries.
However, political observers note that the Government has yet to articulate a clear “value for money” strategy beyond its traditional partners. While bilateral relations remain stable, Sri Lanka has not fully capitalised on opportunities to diversify investment sources or attract higher-quality projects that could maximise long-term economic returns.
Diplomatic engagement with Japan remained particularly active throughout 2025. During an official visit to Tokyo, President Dissanayake and Japanese leaders reaffirmed cooperation in economic, security, and development spheres, while also discussing deeper investment ties and continued collaboration on Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring under the Official Creditor Committee framework.
In Colombo Port City, analysts and diplomats suggest that the success of major Chinese-backed projects will depend on broader investor confidence, particularly from India and other regional stakeholders. Allowing Indian and other international firms to participate—at least as minority stakeholders or observers—could enhance transparency, build trust, and signal accountability in the management of these projects.
PSTA not satisfactory
At the same time, the proposed Protection of the State from Terrorism Bill (PSTA) raised serious concerns among academics, lawyers, and civil society groups. Critics argue that the Bill does not dismantle the Prevention of Terrorism Act of 1979 but instead expands executive powers, including access to private communications and financial data of individuals not under investigation. They warn that its broad definition of terrorism could criminalise political speech and entrench emergency-style powers.
Another sensitive issue confronting the Government has been the long-running Tissa Rajamaha Viharaya dispute in Thaiyiddy, Jaffna. The temple is built on land claimed by Tamil landowners, who argue that it was constructed without proper legal authorisation. The issue has prompted sustained protests and parliamentary interventions by parties such as the TNPF and ITAK.
Thaiyiddy Viharaya and arrest of Douglas Devananda
During a visit to Mannar in April 2025, President Dissanayake emphasised national unity, stating that all citizens should be seen simply as Sri Lankans. While he has not publicly addressed the Thaiyiddy dispute directly, Government Agent Maruthalingam Pradeepan met landowners on 31 December to encourage dialogue. The parties agreed to demarcate the limited area occupied by the Viharaya, with the remaining land to be released to the rightful owners in phases, subject to mutual consent.
The NPP–JVP alliance also continued its high-profile anti-corruption drive through the Yukthiya Meheyuma, targeting drug networks and organised crime. The campaign was widely viewed as one of the Government’s most effective initiatives. However, it took on political complexity with the arrest of EPDP Leader Douglas Devananda, whose votes in fact swung to the NPP—along with that of the SLFP and others—had been electorally significant in 2024.
What should be understood is that the NPP strengthened its political organisation in the North. During the November 2024 parliamentary campaign, senior JVP leader and national organiser for the North and East, Bimal Rathnayake, spent several weeks in Jaffna building grassroots networks. His efforts contributed to a marked increase in NPP votes in the region. Yet unresolved issues such as Thaiyiddy and the Devananda arrest remain critical in shaping Tamil political alignments, particularly with ITAK still dominant in the North and East.
The Devananda case has continued to generate controversy, especially following reports of a missing firearm that allegedly changed hands with the underworld. A State-pardoned politician and leader of the EPDP, Devananda is associated with past paramilitary activity. Tamil political commentators suggest that resolving the case could require the disclosure of sensitive military-era information, a development likely to attract international attention.
Attempt to silence journalists
The Government also faced criticism over its handling of Cyclone Ditwah, with observers describing it as a missed opportunity for early evacuations despite clear warning signals. In response to criticism, the administration accused sections of the media of misinformation, particularly on disaster management and public health.
Concerns over media freedom intensified in 2025 after the Sri Lanka Working Journalists’ Association accused the Government of attempting to silence journalists through Police action. The association cited the summoning of investigative journalist Tharindu Jayawardena and Police efforts to seek regulatory action against the Hiru Media Network.
Jayawardena was asked to appear before the Police in connection with his reporting on alleged corruption linked to the Ambuluwawa Biodiversity Complex. Separately, Hiru TV aired a report on a cannabis plantation raid, including an alleged assault on a Police officer and possible links to individuals connected to the NPP Government. Police labelled the report misinformation and sought action from the TRCSL. The SLWJA argued that in both cases, law enforcement had interfered with legitimate journalism rather than relying on established legal or regulatory remedies.
The association warned that using Police pressure to address alleged inaccuracies undermines democratic norms and free expression. It described the incidents as part of a broader pattern over the past 15 months that contradicts the Government’s reformist promises, cautioning against authoritarian tendencies.
Left wing should not behave like the right wing
Ideologically, the NPP remains grounded in left-wing politics rooted in socialism and populism. Led by President Dissanayake, the alliance is linked to the JVP, which was founded in 1965 by Rohana Wijeweera after his break from the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist). Over decades, the JVP evolved from a revolutionary movement into a mainstream political force, forming the backbone of the NPP.
Despite this history, critics note that the Government has become increasingly media-shy, particularly with the English-language press. Leaders who were highly visible before the elections are now rarely seen engaging in extended interviews or policy discussions. Information is often shared through fragmented online updates and informal channels, raising concerns about transparency and accountability.
Observers question whether this silence reflects fear of backlash, internal caution, or a deliberate attempt to control messaging, or are they controlled by an unseen force. What many argue is greater openness is needed. A government elected on promises of reform risks alienating the public if it fails to clearly articulate its decisions and long-term vision.
The two pieces of good news under the NPP were on the fiscal front; 2025 marked a notable achievement. The Inland Revenue Department recorded a historic Rs 2,203 billion in tax revenue—the highest in its 93-year history—exceeding its target by about Rs 33 billion and representing a 15 per cent increase over the previous year. Sri Lanka Customs also posted record collections of approximately Rs 2,497 billion, driven largely by increased imports, particularly vehicles.
So far, it is primarily the President’s speeches that continue to resonate with the public. His charming words and philosophical context are attractive. Most other government figures, while appearing in television debates, have struggled to meaningfully connect with citizens—a situation widely viewed as unhealthy for democratic governance and long-term political credibility. The NPP needs to ‘Face the Nation’.
Courtesy of the Ceylon Today.