Supporters weep, rivals gawk, and a divided country debates accountability and political vendettas following the arrest of the ex-President over public funds allegations.
By Maneshka Borham/Sunday Observer
The B-report submitted to court detailed the expenses of the two-day trip. According to it a staggering Rs. 4.4 million had been spent on vehicle rentals while food and drink had swallowed another Rs. 1.3 million. Accommodation for staff cost Rs. 371,873, and hotel bookings for Wickremesinghe and his entourage added Rs. 3.4 million more. On top of that, an advance of Rs. 1.4 million had been paid for vehicles, and Rs. 2.7 million was splashed out on the VIP terminal at the airport.
Colombo was gripped by unprecedented political drama on Friday when former President Ranil Wickremesinghe who once led Sri Lanka through some of its most turbulent years was arrested by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID), unwittingly becoming the first Head of State in the country’s post-independence history to be taken into custody.
The development sent shockwaves through Sri Lanka’s political landscape, especially among its elite. Despite the new Government’s pledges to pursue past corruption, figures such as Wickremesinghe were long seen as untouchable. Few believed Wickremesinghe would be among those held to account even as he appeared before the CID on the day to answer allegations of misusing public funds. In fact, just a day before his arrest, the famously unflappable Wickremesinghe looking calm and collected appeared on a podcast, speaking at length on Sri Lanka’s political and governance history.
A career of firsts
Wickremesinghe, a scion of an elite political family, has dominated Sri Lanka’s politics for decades. Entering Parliament in 1977, from youngest Cabinet Minister and longest serving Opposition Leader to record six-time Prime Minister and now the first former Head of State to be arrested, Wickremesinghe’s career is marked by a series of historic firsts.
However, it is also a career that has been marked by several controversies. In 1995, a Presidential Commission of Inquiry accused him of having knowledge of and administrative responsibility for the Batalanda housing scheme, a covert detention and torture site used against members of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) during the 1987–89 insurrection. Although no criminal charges were filed, the Commission recommended stripping him of his civic rights, a recommendation that was never enforced.
Later, as Prime Minister in 2015, he came under criticism during the Central Bank bond scandal. While the Commission of Inquiry held former Central Bank Governor, Arjuna Mahendran directly responsible for losses of Rs. 11,145 million to public institutions, Wickremesinghe’s administration faced scrutiny over its handling of the affair.
While Wickremesinghe was never held accountable for these earlier controversies, perhaps thanks to his time in power and close ties to those who ruled, the latest allegations surfacing just five months ago shocked a nation that long regarded the Royal College educated Wickremesinghe, once dubbed “Mr. Clean,” as above corruption.
The UK trip
His downfall as it has now come to light was a trip made to the United Kingdom together with former First Lady, Prof. Maithree Wickremesinghe in September 2023. Investigators have alleged the trip, which was to attend the graduation ceremony of his wife, Prof. Maithree Wickremesinghe, at the University of Wolverhampton, was personal in nature but funded with public money.
The allegations first surfaced in March this year, when Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake told Parliament that Wickremesinghe had spent £40,000 of public funds, over Rs. 16 million, on a private trip to the United Kingdom with his wife in 2023 at the height of Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.
Rathnayake said that during the two-day visit to London and Wolverhampton in the United Kingdom, Wickremesinghe was accompanied by his wife and a 10-member delegation, including Senaratne Dissanayake, Private Secretary Sandra Perera, a doctor, security personnel, and an advance security team. He said that the funds for the trip were requested from the London High Commission on August 16, 2023 under “most urgent” and “strictly confidential” terms.
While the trip was initially labelled private, the Minister said that the itinerary was later amended and reclassified as an official visit, raising questions about how a private visit was converted into an official one and how such substantial expenses were justified.
Minister Rathnayake raised alarm over the use of taxpayer money, revealing that £2,000 had even been spent on a butler, with bills to prove it. He also said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had to launch a full investigation into the trip’s costs and condemned the use of public funds for what was essentially a personal visit at a time of national financial crisis. Rathnayake lambasted the former President, saying he should be ashamed of such conduct given Sri Lanka’s dire economic challenges during his tenure.
At the time Wickremesinghe denied the allegations and said that his wife bore her own expenses and no Government money was misused. His office described the reports as false and misleading.
After a period of silence, possible legal troubles over the allegations resurfaced earlier this month when the CID summoned Wickremesinghe’s Personal Secretary, Sandra Perera, who accompanied him on the UK trip, to provide a statement. Former Presidential Secretary, Saman Ekanayake also appeared before the CID a day later.
Next in line to face the CID was Wickremesinghe himself. A suave looking Wickremesinghe arrived at the CID on Friday before being perhaps unexpectedly arrested under the Offences Against Public Property Act, ironically a law introduced by a UNP Government in 1983, in which he was a key member.
According to the Police, Wickremesinghe was arrested by Chief Inspector Nalinda Herath of the CID’s Financial Crimes Unit and charged under Sections 386 and 387 of the Penal Code with criminal misappropriation and breach of trust, as well as Section 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act, which criminalises the misuse of public property for personal gain.
High drama
As news of his arrest spread, predictable chaos erupted. Amidst tightened security, supporters of the UNP, anxious political allies such as Sagala Ratnayake and even rivals including former President Maithripala Sirisena gathered at Colombo Fort Magistrates Court in a show of solidarity. Many political commentators observed that Wickremesinghe’s legal troubles exposed a rare unity among Opposition parties, usually kept behind the scenes.
Wickremesinghe was finally led into court by CID officers, where lawyers prepared to battle over bail and he would at last learn his fate.
In the B-report submitted to court, the CID detailed the expenses of the two-day trip. According to the report, a staggering Rs. 4.4 million had been spent on vehicle rentals for just two days, while food and drink had swallowed another Rs. 1.3 million. Accommodation for staff cost Rs. 371,873, and hotel bookings for Wickremesinghe and his entourage added Rs. 3.4 million more. On top of that, an advance of Rs. 1.4 million had been paid for vehicles, and Rs. 2.7 million was splashed out on the VIP terminal at the airport. Rs. 284, 086 had been spent on settling interim arrears. The release of funds from the Presidential Secretariat amounting to Rs. 16.27 million had been approved by the then President’s Secretary, Saman Ekanayake.
Anuja Premarathne PC, appearing for the former President, said that the University’s invitation had addressed Wickremesinghe as “Mr. President.” He said this served as proof that the visit was official in nature, countering the CID’s claim that it was a private trip.
Premaratne said that the complainant in the case was none other than the Secretary to the President. “From that alone, the purpose of this case becomes clear,” he said. He said that the Auditor General’s report had not revealed any such irregularities, yet an internal audit was being carried out “at the behest of the Secretary to the President, or the President himself.” He said that it was the responsibility of the State to provide for a sitting President. “There have been many Presidents before. Some have been invited by universities, some not. But when the most important figures in the country were invited, even by Oxford University, the letters were addressed to them as ‘Mr. President not ‘Dear Ranil,’” Premaratne told the court.
In his bail application, the Counsel emphasized that Wickremesinghe suffers from multiple health complications, including heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension. He said that Wickremesinghe’s wife is currently battling cancer and added that he is her sole caregiver. The lawyer urged the court to weigh these humanitarian circumstances carefully in deciding on the bail plea.
Appearing on behalf of the Attorney General’s Department, Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris begged to differ.
Addressing the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court, Peiris said the controversial UK trip that led to the former President’s arrest was not an official visit but a personal one. He said that the investigation stemmed from a complaint lodged on March 17, 2025, by V.S. Karunathilaka of Kurunegala.
According to Peiris, Wickremesinghe, who had travelled to the United States officially from September 13–20, 2023, later proceeded to London with a ten-member entourage, including six Presidential staff and four police officers. While there, he attended a graduation ceremony at the University of Wolverhampton where his wife, Prof. Maithree Wickremesinghe, received an honorary degree. “Investigations have confirmed that on September 22 and 23 alone, Rs. 166 million in public funds were spent. Vehicle rentals alone cost Rs. 4.6 million, food and drinks Rs. 1.3 million, hotel reservations Rs. 13 million, while a further Rs. 2.7 million was allocated for VIP lounge facilities. Money was even spent on warm clothing, visas, SIM cards, and extra allowances,” Peiris told court.
He said that official documents contradicted the claim of an “official” trip. “The Foreign Ministry’s communication to the British High Commission clearly identified it as a private visit. In fact, the word ‘Private’ was even circled in blue. Yet subsequent paperwork suspiciously altered the description from ‘Private Visit’ to just ‘Visit,’ and later to ‘Official Visit.’ Who made these changes, and why?” Peiris questioned.
He said that despite the expenditure, Wickremesinghe did not hold a single meeting with State officials or foreign leaders. “According to hotel staff, the former President left the hotel only once for the graduation ceremony. There were no diplomatic meetings, no official functions, not even an official photographer. This was no State visit.” he said.
Peiris said that the former Presidential Secretary, Saman Ekanayake, should be treated as the key suspect, as he was the principal accounting officer who approved the funds.
As tensions inside the courtroom reached breaking point, the lights suddenly went out. The magistrate’s ruling was thrown into limbo, and with it, the fate of a former President. Outside, the nation held its breath. CEB workers scrambled in the darkness to restore power, but every passing minute only deepened the suspense.
Finally, delivering her ruling Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura, observed that the expenses in question had indeed been paid out of the Presidential Expenditure Head. She said that a fax message issued by the Sri Lankan High Commission had also identified the trip as a private one.
“The complaint alleges that the suspect committed offences under the Public Property Act and the Penal Code in connection with this private foreign visit,” the Magistrate said. “The CID has submitted further reports, and the Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris, presented findings from an internal audit conducted by Government Internal Auditor Vijitha Rohana Paranagama. It was revealed that Rs. 1.33 million had been spent from the Presidential expenditure head for the suspect, his wife, his Private Secretary and others during the trip. These costs were borne by the Presidential Secretariat, the Sri Lanka Police, and the Navy, all of which constitute Government funds.”
Magistrate Lankapura said that the documents produced before the CID confirmed the trip was initially described as private. A subsequent letter, produced only yesterday and not by any of the 38 witnesses who previously gave evidence, contradicted this position by attempting to frame the visit as official. “If the visit was in fact official, there was no reason to initially categorise it as private,” she said. She added that even a top-secret letter sent by the Additional Secretary to the President, Shanika Ekanayake, also recorded it as a private visit.
The court also heard that the letter produced yesterday had not been received by the former President, his former Secretary, or Private Secretary until three months had passed, raising suspicions about its authenticity. The prosecution maintained that it was a fabricated document, introduced to weaken their case.
Turning to the bail application, Lankapura said that the factors advanced by the defence did not amount to “exceptional circumstances” under the Bail Act. “The suspect’s status as the 8th Executive President, or the claim that funds were allocated for official security, does not negate misuse of public funds,” she ruled.
Addressing the health concerns raised by defence counsel, the Magistrate said, “The suspect’s conditions, heart disease, diabetes, and high blood pressure as well as the illnesses suffered by his wife, cannot be treated as special grounds. The law requires that all citizens are equal before it. These ailments must be properly substantiated with verified medical reports, which have not yet been provided.”
As the Black Maria rolled up to the courthouse, Wickremesinghe’s fate seemed all but sealed. Then, to audible gasps from the packed gallery, the Magistrate delivered the blow, an order to remand until August 26. Outside, his political allies shuffled away, faces heavy with defeat, while distraught female supporters wept openly. Others broke into angry chants against the Government as Wickremesinghe, now in handcuffs, was escorted away by prison guards. It was later reported that the 76-year-old was admitted to the prison hospital based on medical advice.
A country divided
Once unthinkable, the arrest of a former leader has now split both political and public opinion. Former Minister Ali Sabry, PC called the detention deeply troubling, warning that such actions signal a dangerous trend of vindictive politics that erodes institutions and jeopardises the nation’s future.
“This cycle of hatred and retribution must end. Sri Lanka deserves politics guided by reason, stability, and respect for those who have repeatedly safeguarded the nation,” he wrote on social media.
In Parliament, Opposition MP Rauff Hakeem criticised the manner in which Wickremesinghe was arrested. The former minister said that typically, when statements are recorded by police, a ‘B report’ is first filed with the magistrate.
“You extend basic courtesies,” Hakeem said. “To a former Head of State, at least minimum courtesies should be granted. The magistrate could then hear submissions from the attorneys and decide whether to grant bail or remand him.”
“Everyone should be treated equally,” he added. “But for a former President, some deference is expected.”
Meanwhile, Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) leader Pubudu Jayagoda described Wickremesinghe’s brief remand as symbolically significant. “But it cannot stop here. He must face the law for the atrocities in Batalanda, the Bond Scam, the Easter Sunday attacks, and more. We must continue demanding accountability,” he said.
Public reaction has also been divided. Some commentators questioned the blurred lines between personal and official Presidential expenses, while others saw the move as political revenge. Many expressed scepticism, wondering if this was yet another political drama familiar to Sri Lankans. Yet others hailed it as a potentially defining moment for the country’s political future.
In a now-viral post, Saliya Peiris PC, former President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, likened the arrest to Julius Caesar’s historic crossing of the Rubicon in January 49 BC. “When Caesar, the Governor of Gaul, crossed the river Rubicon with his Army against the orders of the Roman Senate, there was no turning back. It marked a point of no return, ending in civil war and ultimately Caesar’s triumph. Today, we use the phrase ‘crossing the Rubicon’ to signify decisive moments where reversal is impossible.
“There are moments in politics and governance that are truly ‘crossing the Rubicon’—decisions that must be made wisely, with the long-term interests of the country in mind,” Peiris said.
Yet in a pointed rebuttal, Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake framed the moment differently. He said it was the people of Sri Lanka who “crossed the Rubicon” eleven months ago, positioning them as the true driving force behind the movement to establish a genuine Republic.
Whether seen as a turning point in political accountability or a reflection of popular power, the episode underscores a country at a crossroads, with the actions of leaders and citizens alike shaping the future of Sri Lanka’s democracy.
Pix by Rukmal Gamage, Sulochana Gamage, Shabeer Mohamed and Hirantha Withanage
Courtesy of The Sunday Observer